Foils In Hamlet Essay -- essays research papers

Night and Day Many authors use foils to better illustrate the nature of the character. Foils are characters who compliment yet contrast the main character. With the use of foils the reader can get a better understanding of the main character through the dialogue of the foils. In Shakespeare’s Hamlet, we find Prince Hamlet foiled by many characters. Each foil revealing something different about Hamlet. One such foil in this play is undoubtedly Laertes, the son of Polonius. There are a few ways that Laertes mirrors Hamlets character, the revenge they both seek , the anger they both have, and they both mourn Ophelia’s death. Just as a foil can mirror a character, it can contrast it. Laertes seeks instant almost thoughtless revenge whereas Hamlet is a bit more cautious and needs further evidence. Both Hamlet and Laertes have a different relationship with Claudius, one is deceived by him and the other sees right through his deception. Both return to Denmark after the passing of King Hamle t, which is the first indication that Laertes will act as a major foil to Hamlet. The tie they share with Claudius is a perfect example of the contrasting ways of Hamlet and Laertes. Claudius is in one way or another responsible for every death in this play. With the death of King Hamlet and the accidental murder of Polonius, we find both Hamlet and Laertes seeking revenge. Hamlet is told by the Ghost that Claudius is responsible for King Hamlets death. Almost as if it were his noble duty, he plo...

The Morally Good and Bad in Othello Essays -- Othello essays

The Morally Good and Bad in Othello  Ã‚        Ã‚   William Shakespeare’s drama Othello is one concentrated contest between the forces of the morally good and the morally bad. Let us analyze this contest in detail in this essay.    Standing out like a dark silhouette on a white background is the sinister character and master of deception in the drama – the general’s ancient. Morton W. Bloomfield and Robert C. Elliott   in Great Plays: Sophocles to Brecht highlight the dominant evil force in the play, Iago:    For critics, the chief problem in the play is the character of Iago. The debate usually centers around whether he had sufficient motives for his cruel actions or whether, on the other hand, he is an example of â€Å"motiveless malignity.† The question cannot be resolved here, nor is it necessary to try to resolve it. Iago, whether because of his disappointment at not having been given Cassio’s position, or because of his belief that Othello had cuckolded him, or because of his love of evil for its own sake, is nevertheless a man who has rejected all ties of morality and idealism. (39)    Totaling the lies which the ancient tells to everyone about him would require considerable effort and time. In Shakespeare’s Four Giants Blanche Coles comments on the lack of veracity in Iago’s speech:    The story that Iago tells Roderigo about the promotion of Cassio over him is not true, although it has been accepted by many discriminating scholars. Careless reading alone can account for this misapprehension, careless reading which for the moment dulls their alertness to one of the most essential requirements of Shakespearean character analysis. That requirement is that the reader must never accept, or must always be re... ...is final passion. From the stern general who had, as his first line, the cold â€Å"’Tis better as it is† (1.2.6), he has traversed a pilgrimage of known and feeling sorrow. And, it must be repeated, it will depend upon the beholder whether one judges or rejoices in the transfiguration of loving not wisely but too well. (66)       WORKS CITED    Bloomfield, Morton W. and Robert C. Elliott, ed. Great Plays: Sophocles to Brecht. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1965.    Coles, Blanche. Shakespeare’s Four Giants. Rindge, New Hampshire: Richard Smith Publisher, 1957.    Jorgensen, Paul A. William Shakespeare: The Tragedies. Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1985.    Shakespeare, William. Othello. In The Electric Shakespeare. Princeton University. 1996. http://www.eiu.edu/~multilit/studyabroad/othello/othello_all.html No line nos.   

Coke & Pepsi learn to compete in India Essay

Timing of entry into the Indian market brought different results for PepsiCo and Coca-Cola India. What benefits or disadvantages accrued as a result of earlier or later market entry? Coca-Cola (1990) Benefits: advantages as „Early-Followerâ€Å", possibility to use reliable market information that ´s already existing take-over of standards position as international market leader Disadvantages: expert knowledge of competitors has to be overtaken gain trust of new customers as „anotherâ€Å" foreign company PepsiCo (1986) Benefits: early entry while the market is developing achievement of a good market position enforcement of product standards early impact on local producers (26% market share for Pepsi Food) Disadvantages: high costs for tapping a new market local demand for carbonated drinks very low at that time The Indian market is enormous in terms of population and geography. How have the two companies responded to the sheer scale of operations in India in terms of product policies, promotional activities, pricing policies and distribution arrangements? Coca-Cola Product policies: focus on all beverages that are non-carbonated Kinley Brand of bottled water introduction of new brands, introduction of new size „Miniâ€Å" Promotional activities: build a connection with the youth market Business plan: â€Å"Think local – act local†: Lucky draws where you can win a free trip to Goa, TV campaigns, employing local and regional festivals and sport events, building a connection with the youth: use of music and ballet, short films, work with actors and actresses Campaign slogan: †Cool means coca cola† Retail outlet â€Å"Red Lounge† where the youth can spent time and consume Coke products. Pricing policies: Low prices and later on even reducing of prices (Skimming pricing) Price bundles („Buy one – get one freeâ€Å") Distribution arrangements: Red Lounge Focus on Southern India Pepsi Product policies: bolstering non-cola portfolio and other categories: fruit juices juice-based drinks and water, introduction of new products Promotional activities: Sponsorship of garba, TV campaigns, employing local and regional   festivals and sport events, sponsorship of Cricket and Football as well as a music video with Bollywood stars. Pricing policies: aggressive pricing policy (impact on local producer Parle) Distribution arrangements: focus on northern and western parts of India Which of the two companies has better long-term prospects for success in India? Why? PepsiCo has better long-term prospects for success in India  earlier market entry than Coca Cola  non-cola portfolio makes one-fourth of the overall business in India (e.g. significant player in the packaged water market)   following the consumers lifestyle of sports and exercise through fitting advertisement not as bad as Coca-Cola involved in the pesticide accusation What lessons can each company draw from its Indian experience as it  contemplates entry into other big emerging markets? It’s not possible to transfer the complete marketing strategy from Europe or US to the Asian market. You have to know about the cultural and governmental   specifics of the market where you want to be successful. Communication policy: In India people interpret a policy of silence as guilt so the company has to get into a street fight if something wrong is published.  It’s important to know much about the local market: Which products are sold to which price? Who are the  market leaders? How aggressive is the competition?

An Analysis of Jamacian Fragment Essay

The Jamaican Fragment is a story about a man, who during his regular walk to and from work encounters an irregularity he views as an act of inferiority. We can assume that the Jamaican Fragment is a real life experience, rather than a piece of fiction due to first person writing style. In the first paragraph the author uses visual imagery by describing the colors of the houses as well as the bungalow style house, which presents as the setting. We can start to conclude that the author is ethnic himself or very familiar with differentiating ethnic characteristics. In psychology we learn that the race we are born of, makes us better able to distinguish features and characteristics amoung our own culture. People often struggle distinguishing key characteristics in other races, ethnicities, and cultures. So when Hendricks refers to the one little boy as a â€Å"little Jamaican†, he is presenting us with the idea that he is ethnic. It is important to take notice of the fact that Hendricks may be of Jamaican descent as in the next line in the above mentioned sentence he calls the little boy a â€Å"strong Jamaican† and this sets the tone for the writer’s stance. Hendrick outlines his passion for his race as a â€Å"strong† race as opposed to weak and inferior. The definition of prejudice according to the Merriam Webster dictionary is as follows â€Å"a (1): preconceived judgment or opinion (2): an adverse opinion or leaning formed without just grounds or before sufficient knowledge . † Prejudice is a very controversial topic in our society that often incites anger and defensiveness in people. Hendricks essay Jamaican Fragment is a well written personal descriptive essay that addresses the idea of prejudice employing irony and humour so that the reader remains open-minded. Hendricks’ simple, relaxed style helps assist the reader through the story without preconceived notions or prejudices towards other ethnicities. There are several figures of speech used to entice the reader and the reflective mood of the essay allows us to reflect on our own thoughts and hopefully come to the same conclusions around prejudice. Hendricks’ style of the essay is very important in terms of what he wants the reader to experience and how he wants them to experience the story. Words that I would use to describe the tone would be casual, curious and ironic. The author uses everyday language to create the casual tone such as â€Å"The other little fellow was smaller, but also sturdy – he was white, with hazel eyes and light-brown hair. † (362) This casual tone permits everyone to read this essay; there is no prejudice against an educated or uneducated audience. The sentence structure used is also simple and casual. â€Å"For a whole day I puzzled over this problem. †(363) This excerpt from Jamaican Fragment is an excellent example of the curious tone that utilizes in this essay. He is taking the reader on a journey of self-discovery. The reader is also curious as to the game the children play, could it really be a game of inferiority? There is also a strong sense of irony throughout the entire essay, it is my belief that the author uses an ironic tone to further his argument around prejudice enable the reader to learn a moral lesson. â€Å"The exercise is good for me and now and then I learn something from a little incident†(362), is an example of Hendricks’ using foreshadowing as a literary technique. We know that he is going to learn something and we know by the end of the essay that â€Å"little† is very much an understatement. â€Å"How silly grown-ups we are, how clever we are, how wonderfully able we are to impute deep motives to childish actions! How suspicious we are when have been warped by prejudice! â€Å"(364) This illustrates the ignorance that Hendricks employs and the relationship between ignorance and prejudice. He also uses exclamation marks to emphasize the enormity of his misjudgment. Syncrisis is a figure of speech in which opposite things or persons are compared. (the free dictionary). Hendricks’ uses syncrisis throughout the essay â€Å"young vs old† and black vs white†, this technique is used repetitively because Hendricks has a us vs them defence. He believes that he has been wronged by judgement and â€Å"them†. â€Å"Was there really some difference between a white man and a black man? Something that made the white superior. †(363) This is a good example of the author using a literary device called pathos . Hendricks wants to incite passion into the reader, he feels incredibly passionate about his feelings around prejudice. â€Å"Were we as a race really inferior? So inferior that even in our infancy we realized our deficiencies, and accepted a position as the white man’s servant? † (363) The author is asserting his own point of view here, wresting with their world perspective on injustice. There’s a sense that the author feels inferior as a black person due to the last sentence, even if he doesn’t want to feel that that way, perhaps because of his light tone? In the last paragraph Hendricks reveals the truth around the game to a white man standing on his porch, he soon discovers that the man is the father of both boys and a partner in an interracial marriage. Obviously some humor here, the author makes assumptions (of course which is one of the toxic elements in racism, prejudice, stereotypes, and injustice) about another person’s point of view (which is what he did with the boys) and although he has good intentions, he is again surprised because the thought of a racially mixed family (the next step toward an egalitarian and tolerant society) had not crossed his mind. Irony strikes again. Assumptions and ignorance is what encourages prejudice and although this is what he is passionate against he becomes the bearer of such conclusions. Through Hendricks’ self-discovery around the â€Å"game† we are able to see how quickly people are apt to jump to conclusions feeding prejudice. What is social equality and how does this change come about? Education is the key to this problem and Hendricks urges the reader to become educated and learn a very important moral lesson.

An Analysis of the Social Gradient of Health Essay

â€Å"The demonstration of a social gradient of health predicts that reducing inequality itself has health benefits for all, not simply for the impoverished or deprived minorities within populations. † (Devitt, Hall & Tsey 2001) The above quote from Devitt, Hall and Tsey’s paper is a relatively well grounded and well researched statement which draws on contemporary theoretical sociological concepts to support the assertion that reducing inequality is the key to improving health for all. However the assertion that the demonstration of a social gradient of health predicts that a reduction in inequality will lead to health benefits for all is a rather broad statement and requires closer examination. The intention of this essay is to examine the social gradient of health, whose existence has been well established by the Whitehall Studies (Marmot 1991), and, by focusing on those groups at the lower end of the social gradient, determine whether initiatives to address inequalities between social classes will lead to health benefits for those classes at the lower end of the social scale. The effectiveness of past initiatives to address these social and health inequalities will be examined and recommendations made as to how these initiatives might be more effective. The social gradient described by Marmot and others is interrelated with a variety of environmental, sociopolitical and socioeconomic factors which have been identified as key determinants of health. These determinants interact with each other at a very complex level to impact directly and indirectly on the health status of individuals and groups at all levels of society; â€Å"Poor social and economic circumstances affect health throughout life. People further down the social ladder usually run at least twice the risk of serious illness and premature death of those near the top. Between the top and bottom health standards show a continual social gradient. † (Wilkinson & Marmot 1998) In Australian society it is readily apparent that the lower social classes are at greater disadvantage than those in the upper echelons of society; this has been discussed at length in several separate papers on the social gradient of health and its effects on disadvantaged Australian groups (Devitt, Hall & Tsey 2001, Robinson 2002, Caldwell & Caldwell 1995). Within the context of the social gradient of health it can be inferred that Indigenous groups, for example, are particularly susceptible to ill health and poor health outcomes as they suffer inordinately from the negative effects of the key determinants of health. A simple example of this is the inequality in distribution of economic resources: â€Å"Average Indigenous household income is 38% less than that of non-Indigenous households. † (AHREOC 2004). The stress and anxiety caused by insufficient economic resources leads to increased risk of depression, hypertension and heart disease (Brunner 1997 cited in Henry 2001). Higher social status and greater access to economic resources is concomitant with a reduction in stress and anxiety levels, as individuals in these groups have more control over economic pressures which create this stress. This simple comparison proves that the social gradient of health accurately reflects how socioeconomic determinants affect the health of specific social classes at the physiological level. An extension of the research into the social gradient and the determinants of health is the examination of the pathways through which specific social groups experience and respond to these determinants. These ‘psychosocial pathways’ incorporate psychological, behavioural and environmental constraints and are closely linked to the determinants of health; â€Å"Many of the socio-economic determinants of health have their effects through psychosocial pathways. † (Wilkinson 2001 cited in Robinson 2002). These pathways have been demonstrated by Henry (2001) in the conceptual model of resource influences (Appendix A), a model which illustrates the interaction between the constraints mentioned above and their impact on health outcomes. Henry states that a central differentiator between classes is the amount of control an individual feels they have over their environment. Whereas an individual from a lower class group holds a limited sense of control over their well being and consequently adopts a fatalistic approach to health, those in higher classes with a stronger sense of control over their health are more likely to take proactive steps in ensuring their future wellbeing. This means that both individuals will cope differently with the same health problem. This is partly as a result of socioeconomic or environmental determinants relative to their situation, but it is also a result of behavioural/physical constraints and, most importantly, the modes of thought employed in rationalising their situation and actions. In essence these psychosocial pathways occupy an intermediate role between the social determinants of health and class related health behaviours. This suggests that, while the social gradient of health is a good predictor of predisposition to ill health among specific classes, it cannot predict how reducing inequality in itself will affect health outcomes or how a specific social class will respond to these changes. An examination of some initiatives aimed at reducing inequality in the indicators of health outcomes reveals this problem; â€Å"In 1996 only between 5% and 6% of NT Aboriginal adults had any kind of post secondary school qualification compared with 40% of non-Aboriginal Territorians. † (ABS 1998). Within the context of the social gradient of health, education is an important indicator of health outcomes. It is evident from the quote above that there exists huge inequality within the Northern Territory education system; this suggests an increased likelihood of ill health for Aboriginal people in later life. Even though there have been initiatives to address this inequality in one of the indicators of health outcomes (Colman 1997, Lawnham 2001, Colman & Colman 2003), they have had only a minimal impact on Indigenous second level education rates (ABS 2003). This is partly due to the inappropriateness of these initiatives (Valadian 1999), but it is also due to the disempowerment and psychosocial malaise (Flick & Nelson 1994 cited in Devitt, Hall & Tsey 2001) which are a feature of Indigenous interaction and responses to the social determinants of health. Research has also been carried out into how effecting change in the inequalities in other indicators of health might affect health outcomes. Mayer (1997) cited in Henry (2001) examined the effects of doubling the income of low income families and concluded it would produce only modest effects. Henry believes that this points to the strong influence of the psychological domain in influencing health behaviours. This suggests that the key to better health for all lies not just in reducing inequality between the classes but also in changing those elements of the psychological domain which influence health behaviour. Another example of the gap between initiatives to reduce inequality and their impact on those inequalities is evident in an examination of economic constraints experienced by Indigenous Australians on social welfare. Price and McComb (1998) found that those in Indigenous communities would spend 35% of their weekly income on a basket of food, compared to just 23% of weekly income for those living in a capital city for the same basket of food. To combat this inequality it would seem logical to reduce the price of food in Indigenous communities or else increase the amount of money available to those living in remote communities, i. e. a socioeconomic approach. It has already been established that increasing income has only modest effects and in combination with the fact that smoking, gambling and alcohol account for up to 25% of expenditure in remote communities (Robinson 2002), how can it be guaranteed that the extra funds made available through either of the two suggestions above would be employed in achieving a desirable level of health? One possible suggestion is that a socioeconomic approach must be complemented by a psychosocial approach which addresses those abstract modes of thought, cultural norms and habits and health related behavioural intentions which dictate healthful behaviours. â€Å"Culture and culture conflict are factors in Aboriginal health. But instead of the emphasis being placed on Aboriginal failure to assimilate to our norms, it should rather be put on our failure to devise strategies that accommodate to their folkways. † (Tatz 1972 cited in Humphrey & Japanangka 1998) Any initiative which hopes to resolve inequality in health must incorporate a sound understanding of the influence of the psychosocial pathways relative to the class level and cultural orientation of that group, otherwise its success will be modest at best. Using Henry’s model of resource influences provides a framework for understanding how addressing these psychosocial pathways can lead to greater uptake of initiatives designed to address these inequalities. An analysis of the National Tobacco Campaign (NTC 1999) reveals how this initiative failed to impact significantly on Indigenous smoking rates. This was a purely educational initiative which aimed to raise awareness of the effects of smoking on health. One of the primary flaws of its design was its failure to even acknowledge those Indigenous groups at the lower end of the social scale; it also failed to communicate the relevance of its message to Indigenous people; â€Å"The only thing is that when it comes to Aboriginal people, they will not relate to Quit television advertisements because they don’t see a black face†¦. I’ve heard the kids say ‘Oh yeah, but that’s only white fellas’. They do. † (NTC 1999) Not only did this initiative fail to connect with Indigenous people, it also failed to influence the elements of the psychological domain which legitimate such high rates of smoking. Within Indigenous culture smoking has become somewhat of a social practice, with the emphasis on sharing and borrowing of cigarettes (Gilchrist 1998). It is ineffectual to put across messages about the ill effects of smoking if the underlying motivation of relating to others is not addressed. In a report conducted on Indigenous smoking (AMA & APMA 2000 cited in Ivers 2001), it was suggested that one of the key themes of an initiative aimed at reducing indigenous smoking rates should be that smoking is not a part of Indigenous culture. The ‘Jabby Don’t Smoke’ (Dale 1999) is an example of an initiative whose design attempted to influence accepted social norms. Its focus was primarily on children, thereby acknowledging the importance of socialization and the instillation of cultural norms at an early age. Unfortunately no data is available detailing its impact on smoking rates. As mentioned earlier in this essay, another feature of the psychological domain which has an effect through the psychosocial pathways is the modes of thought employed in rationalising actions and responses to various determinants and constraints. Self efficacy or the amount of perceived control over one’s situation is an important contributor to health status; â€Å"Empowered individuals are more likely to take proactive steps in terms of personal health, whilst disempowered individuals are more likely to take a fatalistic approach† (Henry 2001) Examples of initiatives which have strived to empower Indigenous people in being responsible for their own health include ‘The Lung Story’ (Gill 1999) and various health promotion messages conveyed through song in traditional language ( Castro 2000 cited in Ivers 2001, Nganampa Health Council 2005). By encouraging Indigenous people to address these issues in their own way, the amount of perceived control over their own health is increased thereby facilitating a greater degree of self efficacy. The intention of this essay has not been to deny that the social gradient of health does not exist or that it is not an effective tool in creating understanding of where social and health inequalities lie. Unfortunately programs and initiatives which have been guided by the social gradient of health and have been purely socioeconomic in their approach have failed to have a significant, sustainable effect on health inequalities. In the US, despite socioeconomic initiatives to resolve inequality, the gap between upper and lower class groups has actually widened in recent times (Pamuk et al 1998 cited in Henry 2001). The scale of the intervention required to ensure a sustained impact on health inequalities has been discussed by Henry (2001), he also highlights the need to garner substantial political will in order for these changes to happen and makes the point that those in the upper classes are relatively content with the present status quo. This essay has attempted to demonstrate that in an environment where well grounded, evidence based socioeconomic initiatives are failing to have the desired out comes, it is perhaps time to focus more on altering those strongly held health beliefs which not only dictate responses to social determinants of health but also dictate responses to initiatives designed to address these inequalities; â€Å"Healthful behaviours are due to more than just an inability to pay. A mix of psychological characteristics combines to form distinctive behavioural intentions†. (Henry 2001) In the current environment of insufficient political will and finite resources it would be prudent to use every tool available to ensure initiatives aimed at reducing inequality between the classes will have the maximum amount of benefit. This approach is not a long term solution, but until it is possible to achieve the large scale social remodelling necessary to truly remove social inequality, and consequently health inequality, it is the most viable solution available. REFERENCES. ABS, 2003. ‘Indigenous Education and Training’, Version 1301. 0, A Statistical Overview, Australian Bureau of Statistics, Canberra, viewed 22nd August 2005, http://www. abs. gov. au/Ausstats/abs@. nsf/Lookup/FC7C3062F9C55495CA256CAE000FF0D6 A statistical overview of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in Australia 2004, Australian Human Rights and Equal Opportunities Commission (AHREOC), Sydney, viewed 20th August 2005, http://www. hreoc. gov. au/social_justice/statistics/. Brunner, E. 1997. ‘Stress and the Biology of Inequality’. British Medical Journal. No. 314, pp 1472-1476. Castro, A. 2000. ‘Personal Communication’. No other details available. Caldwell, J. & Caldwell, P. 1995. ‘The cultural, social and behavioural component of health improvement: the evidence from health transition studies’, Aboriginal Health: Social and Cultural transitions: Proceedings of a Conference at the Northern Territory University, Darwin 28-30th September. Colman, A. 1997. ‘Anti-racism Course’, Youth Studies Australia, Vol. 16, Issue 3, p. 9, viewed 22nd August 2005, EBSCOhost Database Academic Search Premier, item: AN 12878155. Colman, A. & Colman, R. 2003. ‘Education Agreement’, Youth Studies Australia, Vol. 22, Issue 1, p. 9, viewed 22nd August 2005, EBSCOhost Database Academic Search Premier, item: AN 9398334. Dale, G. 1999. ‘Jabby Don’t Smoke, Developing Resources to Address Tobacco Consumption in Remote Aboriginal Communities’, Paper presented to the Eleventh National Health Promotion Conference, Perth. 23-26th May. Devitt, J. , Hall, G. , Tsey, K. 2001. ‘An Introduction to the Social Determinants of Health in Relation to the Northern Territory Indigenous Population’, Occasional Paper. Co-operative Research Centre for Aboriginal and Tropical Health. Darwin. Flick, B. , Nelson, B. 1994. ‘Land and Indigenous Health’, Paper No. 3, Native Titles Research Unit, Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, Canberra. Gilchrist, D. 1998. ‘Smoking Prevalence among Aboriginal Women’, Aboriginal and Islander Health Worker Journal, Vol. 22, No. 4, pp. 4-6. Henry, P. 2001. ‘An Examination of the Pathways through Which Social Class Impacts Health Outcomes’. Academy of Marketing Science Review, vol. 3, pp 1-26. Humphery, K. , Japanangka, M. D. , Marrawal, J. 1998. â€Å"From the Bush to the Store: Diabetes, Everyday Life and the Critique of Health Service in Two Remote Northern Territory Aboriginal Communities. † Diabetes Australia Research Trust and Territory Health Services, Darwin. Ivers, R. 2001. ‘Indigenous Australians and Tobacco; A Literature Review’, Menzies School of Health Research and the Cooperative Research Centre for Aboriginal and Tropical Health, Darwin. pp. 67-80, 93-107. Lawnham, P. 2001. ‘Indigenous Push at UWS’, The Australian, 27th June, 2001. p. 34, viewed 22nd August 2005, EBSCOhost Database Academic Search Premier, item: AN 200106061025662941. Marmot, M. G. , Davey Smith, G. , Stansfield, S. , Patel, C. , North, F. , Head, J. , White, I. , Brunner, E. and Feeney, A. 1991. ‘Health Inequalities among British Civil Servants: the Whitehall II Study’, Lancet, 337, 1387. reading 1. 5. Mayer, S. 2001. What Money Can’t Buy: Family Income and Children’s Life Chances. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. National Tobacco Campaign. 1999. ‘Australia’s National Tobacco Campaign: Evaluation report Volume 1’. Commonwealth Department of Health and Aged Care, Canberra. Nganampa Health Council. 2005. Nganampa Health Council, Alice Springs. Viewed 23rd August 2005, http://www. nganampahealth. com. au/products. php Pamuk, E. , Makuc, D. , Heck, K. , Reubin, C. , Lochner, K. 1998. ‘Socioeconomic Status and Health Chartbook’. Health, United States. National Centre for Health Statistics, Maryland. Price, R. , & McComb, J. 1998. ‘NT and Australian Capital Cities Market Basket Survey 1998’. Food and Nutrition Update, THS, Vol. 6, pp. 4-5. Robinson, G. 2002. ‘Social Determinants of Indigenous Health’, Seminar Series, Menzies School of Health Research. Co-operative Centre for Aboriginal Health. Valadian, M. 1999. ‘Distance Education for Indigenous Minorities in Developing Communities’, Higher Education in Europe, Vol. 24, Issue 2, p. 233, viewed 22nd August 2005, EBSCOhost Database Academic Search Premier, item: AN 6693114. APPENDIX A. CCONCEPTUAL MODEL OF RESOURCE INFLUENCES. [pic] Henry, 2001. .

Higher taxes should be imposed on soft drinks and junk food Essay

Higher taxes should be imposed on soft drinks and junk food - Essay Example This essay approves that child obesity in the United States has posed a serious problem in children. Obesity rates are elevated among United States children; there have been increased rates of heart diseases, high blood pressure, diabetes and high cholesterol. Restaurants and food industry allude to personal choice and lack of exercise. Reports indicate that unhealthy foods and drinks are cheaper, readily available and heavily marketable than healthy foods. Fast foods have changed our eating habits and the entire lifestyles. In early days, families were having their meals together which enable them have quality time with all the family members. The introduction of the fast-food industry has changed everything as people have found a faster and an easy way of eating. Because of this, family dinners are not often and this equal to neglecting of family time (Smith 696). Adolescents have the widest use of the junk foods and soft drinks. The most significant change in American diets for th e past decades is the food taken away from home. This report makes a conclusion that a tax on junk foods and soft drinks is a good government policy. This is because; obesity is caused by increased consumption of calories over what we burn. The excess calories are whether, in the form of protein, fat or carbohydrates are stored as fats in the body. These fats increase chances for heart diseases. For this reason, anti-obesity tax methods are intended to avoid targeting the extensive nutrients group. Rather, they target fast foods, processed food, and soft drinks.

Corporate Strategy Case Study Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Corporate Strategy Case Study - Essay Example Macpac became a leading manufacturing unit of outdoor equipments as there were no other manufacturing industries in New Zealand. The sound internal resources like technology, manpower, innovative ideas and machinery equipments paved the way for the impending success in the this period. Product innovation was another stimulus responsible for the growth. The enormous entrepreneurial energy displayed by the founder also made the success achievable and it was a strong impetus for the rapid growth in the initial stage. In the startup stage, the entrepreneur focused mainly in his vision and available resources. Bruce McIntyre did not make much of an effort on market expansion, market penetration or product development. He efficiently used his internal resources like people, expertise, technology and funding. The growth depended on the company’s ‘international strategy of exporting’. By using acquired skills, knowledge and experience Macpac grew internationally out of challenging conditions of New Zealand. The entrepreneur prioritized customer service which raised a huge demand among the buyers. In 1978, this led to 100% growth in sales figure. In 1987, the export market of Macpac took a new shape. Export in the countries like Holland and Switzerland followed and soon after Germany and United Kingdom markets also were developed. The key factors behind the international success were: Macpac not only pursued a strategy to grow internationally but also concentrated on being a leading name domestically. Honesty and transparency was factor for Macpac’s success. Customers nowadays are very much cautious about what they buy. Many companies fail to prove their transparency and honesty in providing support and facts to the customers. But it was not the case with Macpac. Working as a powerful brand from the initial stage of starting up, Macpac never considered itself less than any strong brands. The attitude of being powerful was a significant